Four years ago. Tokyo, Japan.
A young architecture student was driving his bicycle back to his home from school at sunset. After parking his bicycle outside the door of the house he went inside, dropped his shoes instead of arranging them and climbed upstairs to his room. He said not a word to his mother fixing supper in the kitchen, which was behind the stairs.
She was startled by the noise he made. "Shoji," she asked, "is that you?"
The sound of a door slamming shut was her answer.
"Oh that boy," she remarked as she returned to her cooking. She was worried that he had become increasingly withdrawn ever since he entered college. But there was something else she did not know of.
Shoji Kawamura took off his jacket and threw himself on the bed. He chose architecture in his childhood because he wanted to work in the EOGC Territories; this, his parents knew.
As a child, Shoji admired Eric Ong. The Chinese-Filipino businessman turned the world upside down by seizing control of the central Philippines and much of its big southern island and turned his conquests into a success-story. While the rest of the Philippines remained the same unchanging backwardness, the territories under EOGC control experienced a gigantic leap forward in development. Gone were the rebels, politicians and crooked government workers. The economy was on an upswing and even the attitude of the people in the EOGC Territories changed drastically. An EOGC Filipino hated politics and fatalism and loved work (but also appreciated vacations and days off.) An EOGC Filipino also respected money and was consequently not a big spender (and was either into saving money or looking for ways to invest it,) in contrast to a non-EOGC Filipino.
In addition to the political stability -albeit due to apathy and occasional contempt toward the Manila government- and prosperity which the EOGC had brought to the territories under its control, the same organization also brought about international recognition. The EOGC Territories enjoyed an autonomy comparable to that of Hong Kong and Macau. A dual system was in force; the EOGC Territories had their own money, foreign service (including embassies,) government institutions, flag, laws, anthem, passport, stock exchange and even -unlike Hong Kong and Macau- its own armed forces. Manila did maintain a token presence in the EOGC Territories; there were policemen, civil servants and elected mayors and congressmen. But much of their power was nominal and they couldn't attempt to cross paths with the EOGC. Those who foolishly attempted to do so suffered retaliation from the populace and not from the EOGC. Many a congressman, mayor, governor and kagawad who took measures against the EOGC would find the city hall or provincial capitol stormed by angry mobs that would occupy the buildings and throw them out... and even follow them to their homes. Nobody wanted the Manila government to mess with the EOGC, for the latter had brought economic benefits and opportunities that the former promised but did not deliver. And for members of certain government agencies, like the Bureau of Internal Revenue, to be assigned to the EOGC Territories was a virtual death sentence. The Manila government could not dictate its terms to the EOGC and any attempt to enforce certain laws considered by the inhabitants of the EOGC Territories as unacceptable was an invitation to face the EOGC's wrath.
Unlike non-EOGC Filipinos, EOGC Filipinos were more independent and tolerated government activity only in terms of law enforcement, civil law (very specific,) public health and education. When it came to matters like politics and taxation, EOGC Filipinos hated the taxmen and looked down on elected officials. Any attempt to collect more than the unilaterally-declared income tax of five percent, which the government didn't agree to but was unable to refuse because of Eric Ong's style of dealing with the government -a predatory peace at gunpoint, would raise the government employee's greatest fear: the lynch mob. Already, lynching of government officials had become so commonplace that it almost became an EOGC pastime. Nobody wanted to go to the courts to complain of abuses made by government people because the judges were themselves employees of the government. Despite the lynching, the EOGC Territories were surprisingly stable. The message was clear to the international community: we don't just want honest officials, we also want good laws. And the international community didn't mind; it was easier to do business with Eric Ong than with the Manila government.
It came as no surprise, therefore, that EOGC Filipinos neither registered for, nor reported, value-added tax. As far as the EOGC was concerned the only taxes to be paid were income tax, estate tax, real property tax, final taxes on dividend income, community tax and import tariffs. Income, estate and dividend taxes were unilaterally placed at five percent while real property tax was put at one percent. Only import tariffs and community taxes remained unchanged. Needless to say, EOGC Filipinos were able to retain more of their hard-earned money than non-EOGC Filipinos.
In addition to the political stability -albeit due to apathy and occasional contempt toward the Manila government- and prosperity which the EOGC had brought to the territories under its control, the same organization also brought about international recognition. The EOGC Territories enjoyed an autonomy comparable to that of Hong Kong and Macau. A dual system was in force; the EOGC Territories had their own money, foreign service (including embassies,) government institutions, flag, laws, anthem, passport, stock exchange and even -unlike Hong Kong and Macau- its own armed forces. Manila did maintain a token presence in the EOGC Territories; there were policemen, civil servants and elected mayors and congressmen. But much of their power was nominal and they couldn't attempt to cross paths with the EOGC. Those who foolishly attempted to do so suffered retaliation from the populace and not from the EOGC. Many a congressman, mayor, governor and kagawad who took measures against the EOGC would find the city hall or provincial capitol stormed by angry mobs that would occupy the buildings and throw them out... and even follow them to their homes. Nobody wanted the Manila government to mess with the EOGC, for the latter had brought economic benefits and opportunities that the former promised but did not deliver. And for members of certain government agencies, like the Bureau of Internal Revenue, to be assigned to the EOGC Territories was a virtual death sentence. The Manila government could not dictate its terms to the EOGC and any attempt to enforce certain laws considered by the inhabitants of the EOGC Territories as unacceptable was an invitation to face the EOGC's wrath.
Unlike non-EOGC Filipinos, EOGC Filipinos were more independent and tolerated government activity only in terms of law enforcement, civil law (very specific,) public health and education. When it came to matters like politics and taxation, EOGC Filipinos hated the taxmen and looked down on elected officials. Any attempt to collect more than the unilaterally-declared income tax of five percent, which the government didn't agree to but was unable to refuse because of Eric Ong's style of dealing with the government -a predatory peace at gunpoint, would raise the government employee's greatest fear: the lynch mob. Already, lynching of government officials had become so commonplace that it almost became an EOGC pastime. Nobody wanted to go to the courts to complain of abuses made by government people because the judges were themselves employees of the government. Despite the lynching, the EOGC Territories were surprisingly stable. The message was clear to the international community: we don't just want honest officials, we also want good laws. And the international community didn't mind; it was easier to do business with Eric Ong than with the Manila government.
It came as no surprise, therefore, that EOGC Filipinos neither registered for, nor reported, value-added tax. As far as the EOGC was concerned the only taxes to be paid were income tax, estate tax, real property tax, final taxes on dividend income, community tax and import tariffs. Income, estate and dividend taxes were unilaterally placed at five percent while real property tax was put at one percent. Only import tariffs and community taxes remained unchanged. Needless to say, EOGC Filipinos were able to retain more of their hard-earned money than non-EOGC Filipinos.
Working in the EOGC Territories was not as stressful as in Japan, but it was also highly rewarding because talent and skill were highly prized. Shoji wanted to work in the EOGC Territories; this was something his parents knew and they were proud of him for it. Ever since the Takeover, the EOGC Territories attracted investors, companies and jobseekers the world over. But the years in university, with all the stress, deadlines and examinations, dampened Shoji's spirits. He ended up living from one exam to the next and one project to the next; things started to look dull. The thought of working in the EOGC Territories was still there but it was slowly pushed aside by the dreary, routine, life at school.
But this was what Shoji's parent's didn't know: someone else had gotten their son's attention only a few months ago. It was another businessman from the other side of the world, a Greek American named Anthony Konstantiniadis.
But this was what Shoji's parent's didn't know: someone else had gotten their son's attention only a few months ago. It was another businessman from the other side of the world, a Greek American named Anthony Konstantiniadis.
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